The historical foundation goes back to 1947, when the United Nations proposed two states in Palestine. Jewish leaders accepted, but Arab leaders rejected the proposal. A regional war followed Israel’s declaration of independence in 1948, creating refugees and armistice lines but no agreed final borders. Following the conflict, Egypt administered Gaza; Jordan controlled the West Bank and East Jerusalem; and Syria held the Golan Heights. In short, the current “incursions” into Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon, and Syria are rooted in unresolved borders and repeated wars, not a single decision made by the current Israeli government.
In the Six‑Day War in 1967, Israel captured the Gaza Strip, West Bank (including East Jerusalem), Sinai, and Golan Heights from Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Following the conflict, The UN Security Council set out the “land for peace” principle. The principle allowed for the withdrawal of troops from Israeli controlled territories in exchange for recognition and security for the region’s inhabitants (Occupation [land] for troop withdrawal [peace]). In this agreement the territories of Gaza, West Bank, and Golan were considered as occupied, but not a part of Israel. However, Israel has viewed the West bank as a disputed, rather than occupied.
Gaza
In 2005,due to international pressure to recognize Palestinian autonomy, Israel removed settlements and permanent ground forces from Gaza, but kept control over airspace, maritime access, and most borders. As a result, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the UN General Assembly, and the Security Council still treated Israel as the occupying power. Tensions continued and then increased further when Hamas took control of the region in 2007. Rocket fire and cross‑border attacks intensified. Israel responded with repeated military operations. Since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks, Israel has re‑entered and re‑occupied large parts of Gaza, with extensive destruction and civilian casualties. Israel now controls most of the strip’s territory.
Israel’s stated rationale, considering the October 7 attack, has been to neutralize Hamas, stop rocket fire, free hostages, and prevent future attacks. While the initial retaliation was viewed by most of the world as justified, the continued attacks have been viewed as an unlawful, long‑term occupation and siege amounting to collective punishment (and possibly crimes) under international law. Israel now exercises decisive military and economic control over Gaza; that control is widely classified as occupation.
West Bank
In the West Bank, Israel has established the longest-running occupation and settlement project in recent history. Israel has maintained military control over the West Bank since 1967, with a dense network of settlements, roads, and checkpoints. Interestingly, the Israeli Supreme Court calls this a “belligerent occupation,” by their own government.
Why has Israel continued to occupy the West Bank? Although viewed as illegal by the UN, Israel conducts frequent raids, arrests, and targeted operations against armed groups, citing terrorism and protection of settlers. Settlement expansion and infrastructure effectively fragment this Palestinian territory, making a contiguous sovereign state harder to realize.
Most states and international bodies view the settlements as illegal, and the occupation is contrary to international law. in 2024, the ICJ called the occupation unlawful and urged rapid withdrawal and reparations. Israel’s incursions in the West Bank, as viewed by most of the world, are part of a continuous system of control (military, legal, and demographic) rather than isolated events.
Lebanon
In 1982Israel entered Lebanon to expel the PLO, eventually occupying a “security zone” in the south until 2000. The security zone held until 2006. In that year, triggered by Hezbollah’s cross‑border raid and rocket fire, Israel launched a major campaign in Lebanon. As the conflict in Gaza escalated, Hezbollah militants in Lebanon supported their Hamas allies by attacking Israel. Attacks on Israel by Hezbollah resulted in Israel (again) invading parts of southern Lebanon. Israel has maintained military outposts and an expanded occupation area, citing ongoing Hezbollah threats. While Israel has a right to defend against rocket attacks and cross‑border raids, most international opinion criticizes Israel for repeated violations of Lebanese sovereignty, civilian harm, and risk of regional escalation. Israel has responded with continued incursions that have become a prolonged presence, which in turn fuels further resistance.
Syria and the Golan Heights
in 1967, Israel captured the Golan Heights from Syria and effectively annexed it in 1981. This annexation has not been recognized by most of the international community. In 2024, Israel occupied an additional UN buffer zone east of the Golan, expanding its control in Syrian territory. Israel argues that the region is needed as a deterrent against Syria and Iranian‑aligned forces. The area is considered occupied Syrian territory. Thus, annexation is viewed as contrary to UN resolutions and international law.
Involvement by the United States
U.S. policy began as early ambivalence and strategic caution (1947–1972). It evolved to strong, institutionalized support beginning in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, driven by Cold War strategy, domestic politics, and the rise of organized pro‑Israel lobbying.
Before Israel’s founding, the U.S. government opinion was divided. The State Department opposed a Jewish state, fearing conflict with Arab states and threats to oil access. However, President Truman personally sympathized with Jewish refugees after the Holocaust and supported partition.Truman recognized Israel merely minutes after its declaration of independence. His recognition was symbolic and did not include military support. Aid was tied to economic issues and was relatively modest. The U.S. supported Israel diplomatically but did not yet treat Israel as a strategic ally.
In 1973, during the Yom Kippur War, U.S. policy decisively shifted. President Nixon, fearing the collapse of Israel, launched a massive resupply operation to prevent Israel’s defeat. This cemented Israel as a Cold War ally against Soviet‑backed Arab states. Thus, 1973 marked the beginning of large-scale, ongoing military assistance.
At the same time the American Israel Public Affairs Committee started to grow its political influence with the American Congress.Their lobbying efforts increased congressional involvement in supporting Israel. U.S. support became bipartisan and strategic. Israel soon became one of the largest recipients of U.S. military aid. Presidents from both parties deepened cooperation, though with occasional tensions.
By the 1980s, Israel was widely viewed as a key U.S. strategic partner in the Middle East. This alignment was seen as a foil to Arab states increasingly aligned with the Soviet Union. Supporting Israel helped counter Soviet influence. U.S. leaders saw Israel as a reliable, militarily capable partner in a volatile region.
What is the “fact driven truth”?
If you strip away propaganda from all sides, a few hard points remain. Incursions are rooted in wars dating back to 1948, and especially 1967, when Israel came to control Gaza, West Bank, Golan, and later parts of Lebanon. International law overwhelmingly classifies these areas as occupied territories with Israel as the occupying power, regardless of Israeli political terminology. Israel consistently frames its actions as self‑defense and security, responding to attacks from the Palestinian Liberation Army, Hamas, Hezbollah, and other groups. Critics argue that these security claims mask a long‑term project of territorial control and demographic engineering, especially via settlements in the West Bank and entrenched control over Gaza and the Golan.
The human cost, displacement of the population, civilian casualties (Lancelot Health estimates over 75,000 deaths since 2025), and entrenched hostility, are massive and cumulative, making each new incursion both a reaction to past violence and a cause of future violence.
South Africa has alleged genocide by Israel in Gaza. It has been joined by Malaysia, Turkey, Jordan, Bolivia, the Maldives, Namibia, Pakistan, the Arab League, Colombia, and Brazil. Brazil took an additional formal legal step by filing a declaration of intervention under Article 63 of the International Court of Justice statute, which is a distinct legal engagement beyond mere political support.
Meanwhile, a UN Commission of Inquiry issued a report in mid-September 2025 concluding that Israel had committed genocide in the Gaza Strip, urging states to fulfill legal obligations to end the genocide and hold perpetrators accountable. The commission’s chair and the report’s language framed the situation as a genocidal campaign that requires international action. The UN finding is not itself a binding legal judgment like the ICJ’s eventual ruling. But it is a formal UN investigative body’s determination that influences diplomatic pressure, calls for sanctions, and arguments before international courts and national governments seeking to determine recognition or obligations under the Genocide Convention.
The cycle needs to end. However, to date no one seems to have a workable solution.
Thoughts from the Middle by Robert J. Fischer 