Has Trump’s Diplomacy Been Successful?

I recently read an article, “Recovering the Lost Art of Diplomacy” (A. Wess Mitchell, Imprimis, February 2026).  Imprimis is a publication of Hillsdale College, so I was not surprised that the author’s views focused on diplomacy from a strong leadership perspective.  Mitchell posits that America lost the art of diplomacy under past presidents, with the U.S. State Department taking on goals that are detached from our national interests.  However, he is optimistic that America is recovering the lost art of diplomacy through the policies of Donald Trump (The Art of the Deal).

After reading Mitchell’s discourse and evaluating his logic, I thought it was worth my time to consider if Mitchell might be correct!

It is impossible to argue that, since returning to office some of Trump’s diplomacy has not been high‑impact, highly personal, and often force‑driven.  His policies have produced tactical successes.  But these “successes” have come with significant strategic costs. The evidence from recent reporting and analysis shows a clear pattern.  President Trump achieves short‑term outcomes through unilateral action and personal relationships, but often at the expense of institutional stability, alliances, and long‑term predictability.

One can also argue that Trump’s diplomacy has been effective inremoving adversarial leaders, reshaping trade agreements, and forcing negotiations.  On the other hand, his approach has not produced stable and sustainable international relationships.  He often bypasses established institutions, relies on personal power, and in many cases triggers unintended consequences.

Contrary to expectations of isolationism, Trump has chosen a foreign‑policy‑first agenda, reshaping trade, intervening militarily, and recalibrating alliances through his America First rhetoric.  He brags about his new trade negotiations, his attacks on drug trafficking, the arrest of President Maduro, and his view of great personal relationships with world leaders in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East.  He notes strong relationships with Netanyahu, Xi Jinjing, and Putin. On the other hand, his relationships with Zelenski, Ramaphosa (President of South Africa), and most European leaders has damaged American credibility.

In pursuing his agenda, President Trump has sidestepped Congress, the State Department, and multilateral institutions like NATO and the United Nations, thus reducing long‑term policy coherence. Instead, he has relied on personal envoys and relationships rather than institutional diplomacy.   Individuals like his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, can move quickly without bureaucratic barriers.  The result of this approach is the erosion of long-term diplomatic infrastructures.  In addition, many allies now perceive that America is unpredictable and not trustworthy!  The Trump administration has chosen spectacle and personal showmanship over traditional diplomatic norms.

Trump’s team, through the Department of “War” Defense, explicitly frames military action as a tool of diplomacy— “governed by strength… and power.”  His administration supports this power strategy by noting the success in Venezuela, the impact on drug trafficking, and the Memorandum of Understanding that has been reached with Iran.

However, the Iran war revealed that real‑world geopolitics do not always bend to coercive pressure, undermining Trump’s belief that force alone can dictate outcomes. Also, military interventions contradict his earlier promises to avoid new wars.

Has Trump been successful?  If you consider the following, you might argue that he has achieved rapid, high‑profile outcomes.  He has reshaped trade, coerced adversaries into accepting some of his agenda, developed stronger relationships with select leaders, and demonstrated that America will use force to support its diplomatic goals.

Has Trump failed in diplomatic efforts?  Yes, if you consider that he has failed to build durable alliances.  His policies have increased global economic instability.  His policy of military muscle flexing has produced costly conflicts, and as a result, rules-based diplomacy has been ignored.  But one would question whether this approach has been successful.

Trump’s diplomacy has been effective at winning battles, but not always at winning the war for long‑term U.S. influence and stability.  Trump’s diplomacy differs from previous administrations in structure, style, and strategic intent.  This is a sharp break from the post‑1945 U.S. foreign‑policy tradition which has been multilateral and institution centered.  Previous administrations (Reagan → Obama → Biden) treated alliances (NATO, EU partnerships) as strategic assets.  They relied heavily on the State Department, multilateral organizations, long‑term institutional commitments, and most importantly used diplomacy as a slow, consensus‑building process.

Previous administrations used professional diplomats, ambassadors, and interagency processes while emphasizing institutional continuity over personal relationships.  These administrations promoted democracy, human rights, and rule‑based order, framing foreign policy around shared values and long‑term commitments.  On the other hand, Trump’s approach reframes diplomacy as competitive deal‑making rather than value‑driven leadership.

Granted, there have been different approaches in the past.   For example, Bush can be viewed as an interventionist while Obama is often considered as restrained in his policies.  However, both worked within a predictable framework of alliance consultation and institutional process.

Despite “America First” rhetoric, Trump’s approach remains globally engaged, not isolationist. He prefers high‑impact, short military actions and coercive leverage. And most recently his Iran diplomacy—culminating in a 2026 memorandum—reveals the limits of force‑centric negotiation.

Has the Trump Family Benefited from the Presidency?

Several mainstream articles have recently discussed the wealth gained by the Trump family during the first year and a half of the Trump presidency.  As with many of the activities that surround our president, the financial gains acquired by his family are an historical first for a sitting president.  There are a couple of important questions that should be answered.  First, how extraordinary is their wealth growth?  Second, how does the increase in wealth compare to previous presidential family holdings?

Based on publicly available disclosures, reports, filings, and various watchdog organizations, it is estimated that the Trump family has increased its holdings up to $2.4 to $9 billion.  The earnings come from family cryptocurrency investments, Trump name licensing agreements, foreign business ventures, and government contracts.

Crypto

Consider the Trump business connections with crypto currency.  The New Yorker reported that Trump investments in crypto have resulted in $3.4 billion profit over the years of Trump’s political career.  Forbes estimates that Trump’s personal net worth has increased almost $4.2 billion since 2024.  The Wall Street Journal’s research puts the figure at $4 billion in just crypto earnings.  And the Democratic House Oversight Committee estimates crypto wealth at $4.9 billion.

President Trump reshaped the U.S. crypto landscape more aggressively and comprehensively than any prior administration. He deregulated, promoted, and strategically integrated crypto into federal policy, turning it from a fringe financial technology into a declared national economic and strategic asset.

Within days of taking office in 2025, Trump scrapped Biden‑era enforcement policies that had aggressively targeted crypto firms.  He next issued Executive Order 14178, “Strengthening American Leadership in Digital Financial Technology.”  This order sets the philosophical and regulatory foundation of Trump’s crypto agenda. This was the most pro‑crypto executive order ever issued by a U.S. president. 

His next step, through Executive Order 14233, “Creation of a Strategic Bitcoin Reserve,” established the Strategic Bitcoin Reserve. This order signaled that the U.S. views Bitcoin as a geopolitical resource, not just a speculative asset.

Trump then appointed Paul Atkins, a deregulatory former SEC commissioner, as SEC Chair.  Under Atkins, the SEC dropped high‑profile enforcement cases, softened rules on memecoins (coins/medallions with someone’s likeness), mining, and stablecoins, and shifted toward a “light‑touch” regulatory posture.

This dramatically changed the compliance environment for crypto businesses.  Trump’s actions expanded the crypto industry’s scale, legitimacy, and investment flows.

The crypto journey gained popularity when Trump announced his meme coin just before his inauguration.  AP and Chainanalyis (a blockchain analysis firm) estimated that the coin generated $320 million.  In addition, the President’s support for crypto currency has been a major boost for the young startup firms such as World Liberty Financial, a company founded by the President and his sons.  World Liberty recently announced that it expects to receive a federal banking charter that will allow it to operate more like a bank.  Does this present a conflict of interest?  The President rightly claims that he is no longer involved in the company

Business Ventures/Stock Trading

As reported by CBS, during the first quarter of 2026, federally required disclosures show that over 3,600 transactions valued between $212 and $695 million were made by the President or his representatives.  Of note is a $5 million investment in Nvidia.  Nvidia is an advanced chip exporter to China, whose trading is directly impacted by the federal government.  Other major portfolio investments include Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman.  These firms are highly connected to defense contracts.  Some estimates suggest that the President has generated between $200 and $700 million through stock trades and assets sales.  Trading stocks while having policy making ties to the companies being invested in creates major ethical questions.

Licensing Agreements

Projects such as the “God Bless the USA Bible,” the Trump Mobile phone, Trump sneakers, and the Trump guitar have added to the already financial success of the trademark registered Trump brand.  How much money has the Trump brand added to family wealth since Donald Trump became president?  The Trump brand has added billions to the Trump family’s wealth since Donald Trump first became president, depending on how the estimate is calculated. Estimates come from major outlets including The New Yorker, MSN, Forbes, and Bloomberg.

Foreign Deals

Trump businesses have several significant projects with various countries.  The businesses claim that they are not working directly with foreign governments.  However, in many countries the organizations involved with the Trump initiatives are closely associated with their governments.  For example, in Qatar a Trump golf course and villa is being built by a Qatar government owned business. Other projects in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Vietnam have close ties to their governments.  Don Jr. and Eric Trump have met with leaders in other countries such as Hungary, Somaliland, Israel, the United Kingdom and Hungary.  While there is no stated quid pro quo, there are certainly perceptions of undo influence coming from the fact that their father is president.

Historical Comparison to Other Presidential Families

The Trump family’s financial gains during Donald Trump’s presidency are unprecedented in scale, speed, and direct connection to the presidency when compared with any other U.S. presidential families. No other first family has seen anything close to the same magnitude of enrichment while a president was in office.

In 2025 alone, Trump reportedly gained a total of $1.4 billion to $3.4 billion, depending on the estimate.  One analysis found that Trump’s single‑year gain nearly matched or exceeded the combined inflation‑adjusted net worth of all 44 previous presidents while in office (about $2.7 billion).

Some presidents were wealthy, but their fortunes were static or declining during office or not tied to presidential power.  For example, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson were wealthy.  Their holdings, adjusted for inflation, were in the hundred million dollars plus range.  But their wealth did not grow during their presidencies.  Other wealthy presidents like Jimmy Carter put his peanut farm into an independent management group which did not benefit from his presidency.  George W Bush sold his interest in the Texas Rangers.  Both Roosevelt presidents were wealthy through inheritance.  They did not increase their wealth through their presidencies.  Presidents like Bill Clinton and Barack Obama did earn substantial income after leaving office through book deals and speaking engagements, but not during their presidencies. 

In all these cases, wealth growth was modest, occurred after leaving office, and was not tied to foreign investments or business expansion enabled by presidential authority.  No other presidential family has seen this level of coordinated, multi‑member enrichment.  The Trump family’s financial prosperity is historically unprecedented.

Conclusion

The Trump family has benefited beyond any financial benefits of any other sitting presidents.  Through the family-owned foreign real estate deals, crypto currency, branded merchandise, stock market trades, and government contracts, the Trump businesses have prospered like no other presidential family in our 250-year history.

Celebrating Our 250th Anniversary with a Revolt

We are celebrating America’s 250th anniversary this year.  It is a great time to remember the vision of our founding fathers by revisiting the Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation, our Constitution, and subsequent amendments.  It was a time when a King was making decisions for our ancestors without representation. At the time, England was operating under the Magna Carta, as a monarchy with a people’s parliament.  Though initially a feudal agreement, the Magna Carta’s core ideas were— due process, the rule of law, and the right to a fair trial. The rights guaranteed to England’s people were more limited in the colonies.  King George was more focused on the economic value of the colonies than concern for their rights.  Representation was limited, taxes were significant, and trade was highly regulated.

Now let us compare our current government to that of 1776.  Consider reading the Declaration of Independence and note our ancestors’ grievances—dissolution of legislative bodies, obstruction of justice, imposition of a standing army, transportation to England for trial, interference with trade, forbidding governors from passing laws.   Do they sound familiar?   President Trump has eliminated or hampered government bodies, ignored many judicial orders, created an army through the ICE initiative, deported immigrants without due process, established tariffs on trade, and interfered in state government.  It is also instructive to read the Articles of Confederation.  This plan was developed by the founding fathers in attempt to gain rights that those in England already had, through a union of thirteen independent states.  The Articles of Confederation were soon found to be lacking in providing for a unified central government.  Therefore, a constitutional convention was convened and a constitution was created.  However, the Constitution, as originally drafted, did not satisfy those who wanted to ensure the people’s rights.  So, they developed ten amendments to guarantee those rights.

Today, much of the work forged by our ancestors has been challenged by Donald Trump.  His actions are diminishing the rights guaranteed in those historic documents.  President Trump has expanded executive power far beyond the limits defined by our founding fathers.  Personal loyalty to Donald Trump is more important than adhering to our constitutional and legal norms. This is no different than King George!  Donald Trump’s actions are designed to support his economic and social agendas, not what “We the People” want (Polling averages indicate that approximately 2/3 of Americans do not support Trump’s initiatives).  I have previously written about Trump’s campaign promises– Make America Great.  His statements were like many campaigns promises over the past decades.  They were nothing but hollow promises to gain political support.  The political campaign worked and MAGA became a reality built on those hollow statements.

Americans today are no different than those in 1776.  We are being denied the rights that our ancestors fought and died for.  As we celebrate our independence from King George’s reign, Americans need to recommit to the promise of the American Revolution.  We need to hold our elected representatives responsible to the visions of our founding fathers and the documents that they wrote.  Midterm elections are upon us.  Use your vote to bring about a change in Congress!  America needs a Congress that supports the America that was dreamed of in 1776, not a modern-day King George.

An Open Letter to the Congress of the United States

The following is an open letter to every Senator and member of the House of Representatives. I hope you take time to call, write, email or text your Congressional representatives.

I am a 78-year-old retired mid-level state administrator and professor emeritus from a Midwestern university. I was a respected member of the law enforcement and security community. I have testified before Congress on matters related to the regulation of the security industry, and am the author of a highly respected security book. More importantly, I have always been an independent voter, voting for the person, not the party.

I should not need to remind you that America was founded as a democratic, representative republic. While the right to vote has expanded over the past 250 years, the central principle remains the same: voters elect representatives to Congress to reflect the views and interests of their communities. That principle has been under attack since the early 1800s, when party affiliation increasingly became more about gaining control of government than responding to the electorate. Partisan politics has become institutionalized despite warnings from many of those founding fathers about the dangers of political factions. President Trump’s current demands for redistricting (gerrymandering) to increase Republican Party control of Congress was not part of the blueprint written by our founding fathers. 

Today, partisan politics is driven not only by loyalty to a party, but by loyalty to a president. You were elected to represent your constituents, not your party, and certainly not any individual leader. For those of you who are Republicans, that responsibility should outweigh loyalty to President Trump or a gerrymandered district. There has always been tension over the direction this nation should take (e.g., state’s rights versus a strong federal government; slave versus free), but that tension has historically produced compromises that have allowed the country to prosper. Congress must return to a genuine exchange of ideas, and move away from rigid party loyalty and deference to presidential influence!

Consider the polls: President Trump is not leading the country in the direction he promised. The polls reflect the opinion of the people you were elected to represent. On the average among all polls, approximately 2/3 of those polled do not support President Trump (although 80% of Republicans continue to support him but perhaps not all his policies).  Do your job by considering what your full range of constituents want and work with one another to improve the nation’s circumstances. A renewed reading of the Declaration of Independence might be worthwhile. Many of the grievances listed in that document may feel relevant to the way in which Donald Trump is leading America. He is ignoring laws, challenging judges, eliminating or limited established government agencies, establishing a paramilitary enforcement unit (ICE), and creating economic chaos with his tariffs. The grievances outlined in the Declaration of Independence serve as a formal indictment of King George III’s actions, which the American colonists viewed as tyrannical. The following are just a few of the key grievances they listed:

  • Dissolution of legislative bodies that opposed the king’s views.
  • Obstruction of justice by making judges dependent on his will
  • Imposition of a standing army
  • Transportation for trial by arresting and transporting those opposed to the King’s views to England.
  • Interference with trade, limiting economic freedom.
  • Forbidding governors to pass laws unless approved by the King.

For those of you who are truly serving your voters, I offer my respect and appreciation. To those who are beholden to financial or political interests rather than to the people who elected you, I urge you to recommit yourselves to public service or else step aside! If this representative democratic republic is to remain a beacon, you must represent those who elect you to Congress. If not, this 250-year experiment will be in serious jeopardy.

Robert James Fischer, PhD, Professor Emeritus

President, Assets Protection Associates, Inc.

Gerrymandering, a Tool of Political Organizations:

What Can Be Done to Eliminate It

What is Gerrymandering?

In simple terms gerrymandering is the process of drawing political boundaries that give a particular party an advantage over the opposing party.  Gerrymandering is NOT something that our founding fathers foresaw.  They envisioned a representative government that is proportional to the various views of its people.  For example, if 60% of the population is from the Elephant Party and 40% are from the Donkey Party, then elected representatives should be in the same proportion.

The practice is named after Governor Elbridge Gerry, Massachusetts.  In 1812 the governor, concerned over the growing strength of the Federalist Party, managed to pass a law that allowed for redistricting.  The sole purpose of this legislation was to create voting districts that gave advantage to the Governor’s Democratic-Republicans.  One of the districts was so distorted that Boston Gazette journalist Elkanah Tisdale labeled the salamander shaped district “The Gerry-mander.”  This term has continued through to the present day.

Whatever their labels, both parties continued to use the practice to their advantage.  The views of the people were eventually subjugated to the welfare of the party.  Partisan politics has become more important than representing the people who are supposed to be represented.

In 1965, to make voting districts more representative of voter demographics, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that districts should reflect substantial equality of population.  This measure was designed to overcome districts that might have been racially biased.   However, many jurisdictions continued to create politically advantageous districts.  While the Supreme Court has heard a number of cases regarding partisan gerrymandering, it has not established a clear standard.  In 2018 the Court looked at cases in Texas, Wisconsin, North Carolina and Maryland.  According to Steve Vladeck, University of Texas Law School professor, “The common thread in the court’s gerrymandering decisions this term (2018) has been to generally make it harder for plaintiffs to bring these claims, and to generally allow states more flexibility and deference in drawing congressional and state district lines.”  The issue that clouds what is blatantly political is the Constitutional issue of “one person, one vote.”  In the North Carolina case, Gill v. Whitford, where on a 9-0 vote, the Court determined that the plaintiffs failed to prove that “concrete and particularized” injury [racial bias] denied anyone the right to vote. (de Vogue, Ariane and Watkins, Eli, CNN, June 25, 2018).

A Simple Example

Let us consider a simple example of how gerrymandering works.  Let us suppose that a state has a large minority population located in the northwest part of the state.  The rest of the state is mixed race but heavily dominated by a white majority.  The interests in the minority population lean toward a donkey party.  In general, the rest of the state leans toward an elephant party.  The districting as reflected by the 1975 U.S. Supreme Court ruling is fair.  However, in a recent move to consolidate elephant power in the state, the majority elephant party decides to change the boundaries in the northwest portion of the state.  They move the lines so that a portion of the minority population is moved into a district that is dominated by the elephant party.  They, likewise, move a large portion of an elephant dominated district into the remaining donkey dominated minority district.  In both cases, the old minority district’s donkey vote is diluted.  The elephant party now controls the entire state.  The process is exactly what has recently happened in Texas, Louisiana, and California.   In many areas, the gerrymandered districts are extremely convoluted, appearing as thin wavy lines or distorted figures.

What should be done?

Is there a better way of defining voting districts other than Gerrymandering?  There are several far better ways to design voting districts than the political gerrymander‑friendly system we use now. The most effective alternatives replace single‑member, winner‑take‑all districts with systems that either dilute the power of line‑drawing or eliminate district lines entirely.

Gerrymandering thrives because each district elects one representative.  Winning requires only a plurality, not proportional support.  Line‑drawing manufactures safe seats even in competitive states by drawing districts that minimize one parties voting numbers in favor of the other party.

Given the Supreme Court’s 1965 decision, jurisdictions need to be held accountable for their districting.  This simple step would ensure that the vision of our founding fathers is restored.  Today’s technology allows for computer programs that can create districts representative of population diversity. I fact, some state legislatures have tried other methods such as the following:

  • Advisory commissions – composed of non-legislators, appointed by legislators.  This is an advisory body.  The legislators retain redistricting powers.
  • Backup commissions—composed of non-legislators, appointed by legislators.  This group provides input when an impasse on redistricting is apparent.
  • Politician commissions—composed of non-elected, but political officials.
  • Independent commissions– composed of non-legislators and non-public officials, generally prohibited from running for public office for a specified period after the completion of their term on the commission.  This type of commission is viewed as being the most independent of political considerations.

The use of these non‑partisan or bipartisan bodies helps in that they remove direct self‑interest, increase transparency, and produce more compact and competitive districts.

However, any reform that keeps single‑member districts can reduce gerrymandering, but it can’t eliminate the incentive.  This approach is still constrained by the single‑member district model.  Commissions can be captured or influenced.  And “Fairness” criteria can conflict (compactness vs. minority representation).  States like California, Arizona, Michigan, and Colorado have adopted this approach.  But as is evident from the recent California redistricting vote, it too can be manipulated. 

Algorithmic or “Computational” Redistricting

Algorithmic Redistricting is an open‑source algorithm generated map based on neutral criteria (population equality, compactness, contiguity).  It is transparent and reproducible, removes human bias, and allows courts to compare enacted maps to a neutral baseline.

However, as with all algorithms, the program simplyreflects the criteria chosen — and choosing criteria is political.  In the end, there are still single‑member districts.

Multi‑Member Districts + Proportional Representation

The U.S. used multi‑member districts in various forms until the 1967 Uniform Congressional District Act (UCDA) mandated single‑member districts.

States are divided into larger districts electing 3–5 representatives each.  Seats are allocated proportionally.  Voters rank the candidates.  The top vote talliers are elected.   Gerrymandering becomes mathematically ineffective.  Minority viewpoints get representation.  It reduces polarization by rewarding coalition‑building.  The system could easily be introduced, since Congress could repeal the 1967 Uniform Congressional District Act without a constitutional amendment.

This may be the most powerful anti‑gerrymandering reform.

Ranked‑Choice Voting (RCV)

Voters rank candidates; votes transfer until someone reaches a majority.  This approach reduces the incentive to draw “safe” districts and encourages broader appeal.  The system works especially well when paired with the multi‑member districts just discussed above.  On its own, RCV doesn’t eliminate gerrymandering — but it softens its effects.

At‑Large or Statewide Proportional Representation

This systemeliminates districts entirely. The entire state votes as one district, and seats are allocated proportionally.  Gerrymandering becomes impossible.  Representation mirrors statewide vote share.  This system might require federal statutory change due to the 1967 UCDA, in that it could weaken local geographic representation.

Hybrid Systems (Used in Germany, New Zealand, Japan)

  • Mixed‑Member Proportional:  Voters cast two ballots: one for a district representative, one for a party.
  • Party seats are adjusted to ensure proportionality.

This system preserves local representation, ensures proportional outcomes, and makes gerrymandering largely irrelevant.

Which System Is Most Effective?

Multi‑member districts with proportional representation are the strongest reform.  This is the model recommended by political scientists across the ideological spectrum and endorsed by the 2022 American Academy of Arts & Sciences report on democratic reform.  Independent commissions are the most politically feasible.  Multi‑member districts + PR are the most transformative and legally possible via congressional statute.  Algorithmic redistricting is a strong intermediate step.

Conclusions

Gerrymandered districting was never about representing people; it was designed to give a political party control of the system.  Many of our founding fathers warned against the formation of political parties.  Loyalty to a party platform or leader ignores the fact that our system mandates that our elected officials represent their constituents, not their party.  While common ideas may be used to form coalitions, the blind loyalty to a political party is the antithesis of what this country stands for.   Multi-member districts with proportional representation, as recommended by political scientists, is a relatively easy fix, if only our elected representatives had the courage to enact appropriate legislation!

What is the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)?

The AIPAC is the largest and most influential pro-Israel lobby organization in the United States.  This lobby’s total dollars invested in political influence dwarfs spending by most other lobby groups. AIPAC’s stated mission is to encourage and persuade the U.S. government to adopt policies that ensure a strong and lasting partnership with Israel.  This includes lobbying for specific pro‑Israel policies, including security assistance, countering Iran, combating terrorism, and opposing anti‑Israel discrimination.   The group also promotes cooperation in areas like cybersecurity, energy, agriculture, and water security.

The AIPAC spent over $100 million in the 2024 election (Federal Election Commission) to defeat candidates who were critical of Israel.  This makes It was the biggest single-issue spender.  In the 2024 cycle, 96% of AIPAC‑backed candidates won their general elections, demonstrating its influence. The AIPAC is the dominant pro-Israel lobby group in the United States, with direct contributions and other expenditures used to influence congressional races. Both Republicans and Democrats have received support from the group.  In a 30-year period, key legislators have received millions of dollars.  Former President Joe Biden benefited from over $4 million, Mitch McConnell and Ted Cruz received almost $2 million each.  Chuck Schumer was the recipient of $1.3 million.  While the AIPAC is not a direct donor, it legally operates the AIPAC PAC, as well as the super PAC, United Democracy.

How much does Congress appropriate for Israel each year? How much is for defense?  Congress appropriates about $3.8 billion per year for Israel in normal (non‑emergency) funding, and virtually all of it is defense‑related ($3.3 billion on Foreign Military Financing (FMF)). The remaining $500 million is for the Israel missile defense program (Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow).  Emergency supplementals have added several additional billions on top of the baseline. 

Since the October 7, 2023 attacks, Congress has passed multiple emergency packages above the $3.8 billion baseline.  For example, in FY 2024 Congress appropriated an addition FMF aid of $5.5 billion, $4 billion for the Iron Dome, and $1.2 billion for the new Iron Beam laser defense system.  Also, while not dollars directly appropriated for Israel, the current Iran war has cost America over $30 billion dollars in military expenditures!

It is interesting to note that almost all the Israeli appropriated funds return to the United States.  Under the 2016 U.S.- Israel Memorandum of Understanding, the FMF must be spent on U.S. defense goods and services.  FMF grants must be spent on U.S.‑made military equipment, meaning the entire $3.3 billion FMF portion each year flows directly to U.S. defense contractors.

The missile‑defense funds (Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow) are joint U.S.–Israel programs, but a substantial share (approximately 13%) also goes to U.S. contractors.  Iron Dome components are co‑produced in the U.S.  Arrow and David’s Sling involve U.S. firms such as Boeing and Raytheon.  While the exact percentage varies by program and year, most missile‑defense appropriations also return to U.S. industry through co‑production and joint development

So in practice, well over 85–90% of all U.S. aid to Israel is spent in the United States, not Israel. At this point it might be wise to remember President Eisenhower’s caution, “We must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the Military Industrial Complex.” 

How does our support of Israel compare with that given to other allies? Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. aid since 2001, and its aid is uniquely structured to flow back to U.S. defense contractors.  Other regional allies such as Egypt, Jordan, and Iraq receive less than $1.5 billion in general aid.  Most is for general economic support programs, not military aid, about 50% of the aid for Israel. On must question, is it the United States’ role to be the major military supporter of Israel? 

What differentiates Zionism from Judaism?

Zionism and Judaism differ at the most fundamental levels.  Judaism is a religion and civilization, whereas Zionism is a modern political ideology.  Judaism is an ancient monotheistic religion and an ethnocultural identity with laws, rituals, ethics, and a global diaspora community. Zionism is a 19th‑century political movement advocating Jewish national self‑determination in the historic land of Israel.

Judaism is a religious beliefin one God and the teachings of the Torah.  Halachic law, rituals, holidays, and ethical obligations dominate the religion.  Jewish people share a cultural and ethnicidentity that has evolved over millennia across many countries.   Just like Christianity there are many diverse denominations (Orthodox, Conservative, Reformed, etc.) with differing interpretations.

Judaism is not inherently tied to any specific political program. A Jew can be religious, secular, anti‑Zionist, or Zionist.  Judaism itself does not embrace a political ideology.  On the other hand, Zionism first emerged in late‑19th‑century Europe as a nationalist ideology seeking a Jewish homeland in historic Palestine.  It is a movement with multiple branches (labor, revisionist, religious, cultural), that eventually led to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948.

Zionism is supported by Jews (religious or secular), non‑Jews, and people who see it as a political and cultural struggle.  Under the current Israeli government, it is often seen as a security, and a homeland protection philosophy.

Why are the two often confused with each other?  Is there an overlap?  Yes, there is an overlap.  The overlap comes from shared symbols (Jerusalem, the Land of Israel), the fact that 33% of American Jews are Zionists, and Israel’s role in the modern Jewish identity.  Approximately 90% of American Jews support Israel’s right to exist.  And while 33% self-report as Zionist, less than 25% support the current Netanyahu administration expansionist policies.

To avoid the confusion, it is important to remember that Judaism is a religious/cultural identity, while Zionism is political nationalism.  This is why some Jewish groups protest with signs like “Zionism is not Judaism.” They are rejecting the idea that Jewish religious identity requires political Zionism.

The distinction matters because criticism of the Israeli government policy (Netanyahu) is not automatically antisemitic.  Not all Jews are Zionists, and not all Zionists are Jews.  And most importantly Judaism’s 3,000‑year religious tradition is not simply a modern political movement.

A summary of the JCPOA agreement:  What Did President Trump Walk Away From?

On November 24, 2013, Iran and the United Nations Security Council (U.S., U.K., France, Russia, China, and Germany) signed an interim deal, the Joint Commission Plan of Action (JCPOA), to freeze parts of Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for limited sanctions relief.  The agreement was signed by all parties on January 20, 2014, following an International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verification of Iranian compliance.  Through 2014 and early 2015, negotiations continued on additional nuclear limitations and the limiting of sanctions on Iran.  A final agreement was reached in Vienna on 14 July 2015.

However, it was not until October 18, 2015, that the party signers began to implement the agreement. Iran reduced its Uranium enrichment capacity (production capability and enriched uranium stockpiles) while the U.S./EU began limiting sanctions.  On January 16, 2016, the IAEA certified that Iran had met its initial obligations.  The UN, EU, and U.S. nuclear-related sanctions were lifted.  However, the U.S. labeling of Iran for supporting terrorism, human rights violations, and the continued development of ballistic missiles continued.

On May 8, 2018, less than two years later, following the change of administration (Obama to Trump), the U.S.withdrew from the JCPOA and reimposed sanctions.  President Trump claimed the agreement was “bad” and that he would negotiate a new deal.   Iran remained in the deal with other signatories but began to gradually reduce compliance. By early 2019 Iran exceeded limits on its enriched uranium stockpile, enrichment levels, and centrifuge use.  Then in January 2020 (following the change in administration from Biden to back to Trump), Iran announced it would no longer observe operational limits set by the JCPOA.  However, they agreed to continue cooperating with the IAEA.

Negotiations had resumed under the Biden administration.  However, talks stalled repeatedly over sanctions relief, IAEA investigations, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps terrorism designation. Iran continued to enrich its uranium stockpile.  The IAEA reported that monitoring access was being limited. Relying on Israeli intelligence and a few U.S. intelligence reports of splinter groups trying to speed up uranium enrichment capabilities, Isael and the U.S. attacked Iran’s nuclear sites.  Following the Twelve-Day War between Israel and Iran, and the U.S. bombing of designated nuclear sites in October 2025, Iran announced the termination of the JCPOA.   This ended the agreement and closed the UN Security Council’s nuclear file on Iran.

What went wrong?  An agreement was reached for limiting Iran’s nuclear program to power generation monitored by the IAEA in 2015.   Sanctions were lifted and Iran’s economy began to recover.  The withdrawal of the U.S. from the agreement by President Trump in 2018, saw a return to increased distrust on the parts of Iran and the U.S.  President Trump withdrew from the JCPOA because his administration believed the agreement was too lenient, failed to address Iran’s broader behavior, and provided economic benefits without permanently preventing Iran from pursuing nuclear weapons. The JCPOA agreement did not address Iran’s support for Islamic fundamental revolutionary groups.  Iran continued to distrust the U.S., which was viewed by Iran as exploiting middle east interest.

The IAEA issued 11 consecutive verification reports (2016–2018) confirming that Iran was complying with the JCPOA. Director General Yukiya Amano publicly stated that the deal’s monitoring provisions were the most intrusive ever negotiated and that Iran was meeting its commitments. Incidentally, the IAEA is the single most authoritative technical body on nuclear compliance.  Federica Mogherini, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs, repeatedly said the JCPOA was “delivering” and “working,” emphasizing that Iran was in verified compliance.  The United Kingdom, France, and Germany issued joint statements affirming that:Iran was complying with the agreement; the JCPOA was achieving its purpose; and the deal was essential for regional and global securityUN Secretary‑General António Guterres stated that the JCPOA was a “major achievement” and that Iran was complying with its nuclear commitments, urging all parties to preserve the agreement.  To support Guterres, UN Security Council Reportsrepeatedly affirmed that the JCPOA was functioning as intended.  Even the Israeli Security Establishment (not the Government), composed of Israeli intelligence and military officials publicly stated that the JCPOA was working to constrain Iran’s nuclear program, even if they disliked other aspects of the deal.

 Independent Nuclear Experts from the Arms Control Association, Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS), Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the Brookings Institution published analyses concluding that the JCPOA was effective, verifiable, and significantly limiting Iran’s nuclear capabilities.  These assessments were based on data, not political preference.

President Trump could not negotiate a “better deal!”  Israeli and U.S. intelligence reports were likely biased, focusing on what the administrations wanted to hear.  While Iran continues to be labeled a “bad actor,” the actions of Israel and the U.S. are rightfully questionable considering the evidence that the 2015 JCPOA was working! 

“Weapons of Mass Destruction” Again?

Iran and Its Quest for Nuclear Power

Evidence presented before the June 2025 and February 2026 strikes on Iran showed Iran possessed enriched uranium stocks near weapons-relevant levels and advanced centrifuge capability.  It is these facts that U.S. and allied officials used to argue Tehran was nearing a bomb threshold. Yet multiple expert analyses and intelligence assessments concluded there was no clear, corroborated evidence that Iran had decided to build a weapon or was operating a structured, ongoing weapons program immediately prior to the strikes (Fact Check, March 3, 2026; House of Commons Library, June 24, 2025).

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) documented that by mid‑2025, Iran had accumulated significant quantities of uranium enriched to 60 percent as a worrying short technical step toward weapons‑grade material. The IAEA‑estimated that Iran possessed roughly 440.9 kg of 60% uranium on the eve of the June 2025 strikes.  Other tallies also put the pre‑strike total in similar ranges (CBS, February 28, 2026; Center for Arms Control and Non-proliferation, March 16, 2026). Technical briefs emphasized that enrichment to 60 percent is “near” weapons levels.  With further technological development, Iran’s theoretical time for conversion to weapon’s grade product was less than the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) negotiated under the Obama administration had allowed (Arms Association, March 2025).

On the other hand, U.S. intelligence assessments presented a mixed picture. Some U.S. sources warned of a covert team pursuing cruder, faster weapon designs and estimated reduced timelines for producing weapons grade materials. Formal judgments stopped short of saying Tehran had restarted a structured weapons program or made a political decision to weaponize (Congress.gov, March 6, 2026; Congress.gov May 24, 2025). The 2025 Worldwide Threat Assessment and later public analyses noted Iran had capabilities that could shorten the production timelines if a political decision were made.   However, these reports also stressed that Iran had not clearly undertaken all activities necessary to field test a device (Arms Control Association March 2026; Congress.gov May 24, 2025).

Non‑governmental experts and analytic centers publicly challenged claims that Iran was “very close” to a bomb, arguing that available evidence did not demonstrate active weaponization or an authoritative decision to build one.  Prominent analysts told reporters there was “no evidence that Iran was close to a nuclear weapon.”  These reports highlighted IAEA language which indicated a lack of credible signs of an ongoing weapons construction program (FactCheck.org, March 3, 2026; Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, March 11, 2026). Scientific and policy commentators cautioned that quantities of 60% material are serious but not proof that Iran had completed the work necessary to develop weapons grade materials.   The necessary developments for building a nuclear bomb include design, machining, and testing of various bomb components.  These steps are required to have a deliverable warhead (Center for Arms Control and Non-proliferation, March 16, 2026).

Still, the IAEA repeatedly flagged serious concerns over safeguards.   It documented high levels of enrichment and identified undeclared sites tied to past weaponization activities.  And, in mid‑2025, they formally found Iran in non‑compliance with safeguards obligations. Proponents of strikes used this information to argue an urgency to confront Iran.  On the other hand, the agency’s director later said it had no evidence of a structured current program to manufacture weapons (Quincy; House of Commons; Congress.gov; Center for Arms Control …).

U.S. and Israeli leaders framed the 2025 and 2026 bombings as pre‑emptive responses to an imminent threat, citing reduced breakout estimates from some intelligence elements, and the large 60% stockpile. Critics responded that public claims often lacked transparent underlying evidence, and that some senior intelligence officials and independent experts disputed the U.S. and Israeli assertions of immediacy. Independent reporters noted potential political incentives to emphasize worst‑case trajectories, and that open-source public reporting could not fully verify classified judgments.

In conclusion, an analysis of the pre‑war-strikes record supports a restrained conclusion. Iran had advanced technical capacity and sizeable near‑weapons‑grade material that could shorten breakout timelines under a political decision to weaponize.  However, authoritative public assessments and technical experts found no incontrovertible evidence that Iran had resumed or completed a structured program to build deliverable nuclear weapons immediately before the 2025–2026 strikes. The public record is thin! While there is classified operational intelligence and internal decision memos, claims of imminence by Israel and the U.S. relied on contested judgments rather than open, incontrovertible proof.

A Brief History of Iran: A Country that Should be Blown Back to the Stone Ages?

Iran/Persia is one of the world’s oldest continuous civilizations, defined by powerful empires, religious transformation, and repeated cycles of conquest and renewal. The known history begins with the Elamite Civilization (c. 3200 BCE).   This is one of the world’s earliest states with its own writing system and monumental architecture.  In 2000 to 1000 BC, Iranian tribes arrived from Central Asia, bringing early forms of the Persian language and the religious ideas that would shape Zoroastrianism, a monotheistic ethical religion that became central to Persian identity.

In 550–330 BC, Cyrus the Greatunited the Persian tribes and founded the Achaemenid Empire, the world’s first “superpower,” that stretched from the Balkans to the Indus Valley.   Cyrus is remembered for his policies of cultural and religious tolerance. Cyrus’s successor, Darius I, expanded and organized the empire, creating a standardized currency, roads, and administrative systems.

In 330 BC, the empire was conquered by Alexander the Great, who ushered in a period of Greek rule. Following the death of Alexander, other empires were established in the area.  In 247 BC, a decentralized, cavalry‑based power developed that repeatedly clashed with Rome.  By 224 BC, there was a revival of Persian culture, Zoroastrian religion, and centralized state power. They become a major rival to Rome/Byzantium.

In 627 AD, the empire weakened and collapsed under early Islamic conquests. Persia became part of the rapidly expanding Islamic world, but retained its language and cultural identity.    A succession of dynasties shaped the region, blending Persian administration with Islamic governance.  In 1501, Shi’ism was established as the state religion, a defining feature of Iranian identity to this day.

In the years 1789–1925, the Qajar Dynasty became entangled with European imperial pressure, with territorial losses to European interests and European forced internal reform.  To survive, the ruling Pahlavi family, Reza Shah and later Mohammad Reza Shah, pursued rapid modernization, secularization, and centralization. 

American involvement in Iran began not with geopolitics but with missionaries, educators, and physicians.  In the 1800s, American missionaries established schools, hospitals, and Iran’s first modern medical college in Urmia. These institutions earned widespread respect among Iranians. The U.S. was viewed as a non‑imperial power, unlike Britain and Russia, who dominated Iran economically and militarily. Americans were even appointed as financial advisors to the Shah.  This era is often remembered as the high point of U.S.–Iran goodwill.

Everything changed in August 1953, when the U.S. and Britain orchestrated an overthrow of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh after he nationalized Iran’s oil industry.  The CIA-led coup restored the Shah’s authority and installed a more Western‑aligned government.  For many Iranians, this became a foundational grievance. The U.S. was now seen as an imperial actor interfering in Iran’s sovereignty.

After the coup, the U.S. became the Shah’s primary supporter and Iran became one of America’s closest Cold War allies. The Shah’s regime, backed by U.S. military and intelligence aid, grew increasingly authoritarian.  Many Iranians associated the U.S. with the Shah’s repression, widening the legitimacy gap that would fuel revolution.

The Shah was overthrown in 1979, and the Islamic Republic emerged.   Iranian students seized the U.S. Embassy, holding 52 Americans hostage for 444 days. The U.S. severed diplomatic relations in 1980, and they have never been fully restored.  The revolution reframed the U.S. as Iran’s primary external adversary, the “Great Satan!” Beginning in 1984, the U.S. labeled Iran a state sponsor of terrorism. This crisis cemented the mutual distrust that defines the relationship to this day.

The decades after the revolution saw cycles of hostility and missed opportunities.  There were naval clashes during the Iran–Iraq War (including the U.S. shooting down Iran Air Flight 655 in 1988).  There was Iran’s cooperation with the Taliban in 2001, followed by the “Axis of Evil” designation in 2002. And as we know today, there are the long‑running disputes over Iran’s nuclear program.

The 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), under President Obama, briefly thawed relations, limiting Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief.  The U.S. withdrawal from the deal in 2018, under President Trump, reignited tensions.  By 2025, U.S.–Iran relations had deteriorated further, culminating in open warfare and in 2026, Iranian restrictions on the Strait of Hormuz.

Iranian leaders continue to frame the U.S., the “Great Satan,” as an oppressive global power, seeking dominance and control of Middle Eastern resources.  The U.S. policymakers cite Iran’s support for militant groups (Hama and Hezbollah) and regional destabilization. Both sides use the other as a political foil, reinforcing entrenched narratives.  Are we now dealing with another flawed Iraq “Weapons of Mass Destruction” mistake?