Has Trump’s Diplomacy Been Successful?

I recently read an article, “Recovering the Lost Art of Diplomacy” (A. Wess Mitchell, Imprimis, February 2026).  Imprimis is a publication of Hillsdale College, so I was not surprised that the author’s views focused on diplomacy from a strong leadership perspective.  Mitchell posits that America lost the art of diplomacy under past presidents, with the U.S. State Department taking on goals that are detached from our national interests.  However, he is optimistic that America is recovering the lost art of diplomacy through the policies of Donald Trump (The Art of the Deal).

After reading Mitchell’s discourse and evaluating his logic, I thought it was worth my time to consider if Mitchell might be correct!

It is impossible to argue that, since returning to office some of Trump’s diplomacy has not been high‑impact, highly personal, and often force‑driven.  His policies have produced tactical successes.  But these “successes” have come with significant strategic costs. The evidence from recent reporting and analysis shows a clear pattern.  President Trump achieves short‑term outcomes through unilateral action and personal relationships, but often at the expense of institutional stability, alliances, and long‑term predictability.

One can also argue that Trump’s diplomacy has been effective inremoving adversarial leaders, reshaping trade agreements, and forcing negotiations.  On the other hand, his approach has not produced stable and sustainable international relationships.  He often bypasses established institutions, relies on personal power, and in many cases triggers unintended consequences.

Contrary to expectations of isolationism, Trump has chosen a foreign‑policy‑first agenda, reshaping trade, intervening militarily, and recalibrating alliances through his America First rhetoric.  He brags about his new trade negotiations, his attacks on drug trafficking, the arrest of President Maduro, and his view of great personal relationships with world leaders in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East.  He notes strong relationships with Netanyahu, Xi Jinjing, and Putin. On the other hand, his relationships with Zelenski, Ramaphosa (President of South Africa), and most European leaders has damaged American credibility.

In pursuing his agenda, President Trump has sidestepped Congress, the State Department, and multilateral institutions like NATO and the United Nations, thus reducing long‑term policy coherence. Instead, he has relied on personal envoys and relationships rather than institutional diplomacy.   Individuals like his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, can move quickly without bureaucratic barriers.  The result of this approach is the erosion of long-term diplomatic infrastructures.  In addition, many allies now perceive that America is unpredictable and not trustworthy!  The Trump administration has chosen spectacle and personal showmanship over traditional diplomatic norms.

Trump’s team, through the Department of “War” Defense, explicitly frames military action as a tool of diplomacy— “governed by strength… and power.”  His administration supports this power strategy by noting the success in Venezuela, the impact on drug trafficking, and the Memorandum of Understanding that has been reached with Iran.

However, the Iran war revealed that real‑world geopolitics do not always bend to coercive pressure, undermining Trump’s belief that force alone can dictate outcomes. Also, military interventions contradict his earlier promises to avoid new wars.

Has Trump been successful?  If you consider the following, you might argue that he has achieved rapid, high‑profile outcomes.  He has reshaped trade, coerced adversaries into accepting some of his agenda, developed stronger relationships with select leaders, and demonstrated that America will use force to support its diplomatic goals.

Has Trump failed in diplomatic efforts?  Yes, if you consider that he has failed to build durable alliances.  His policies have increased global economic instability.  His policy of military muscle flexing has produced costly conflicts, and as a result, rules-based diplomacy has been ignored.  But one would question whether this approach has been successful.

Trump’s diplomacy has been effective at winning battles, but not always at winning the war for long‑term U.S. influence and stability.  Trump’s diplomacy differs from previous administrations in structure, style, and strategic intent.  This is a sharp break from the post‑1945 U.S. foreign‑policy tradition which has been multilateral and institution centered.  Previous administrations (Reagan → Obama → Biden) treated alliances (NATO, EU partnerships) as strategic assets.  They relied heavily on the State Department, multilateral organizations, long‑term institutional commitments, and most importantly used diplomacy as a slow, consensus‑building process.

Previous administrations used professional diplomats, ambassadors, and interagency processes while emphasizing institutional continuity over personal relationships.  These administrations promoted democracy, human rights, and rule‑based order, framing foreign policy around shared values and long‑term commitments.  On the other hand, Trump’s approach reframes diplomacy as competitive deal‑making rather than value‑driven leadership.

Granted, there have been different approaches in the past.   For example, Bush can be viewed as an interventionist while Obama is often considered as restrained in his policies.  However, both worked within a predictable framework of alliance consultation and institutional process.

Despite “America First” rhetoric, Trump’s approach remains globally engaged, not isolationist. He prefers high‑impact, short military actions and coercive leverage. And most recently his Iran diplomacy—culminating in a 2026 memorandum—reveals the limits of force‑centric negotiation.

Has the Trump Family Benefited from the Presidency?

Several mainstream articles have recently discussed the wealth gained by the Trump family during the first year and a half of the Trump presidency.  As with many of the activities that surround our president, the financial gains acquired by his family are an historical first for a sitting president.  There are a couple of important questions that should be answered.  First, how extraordinary is their wealth growth?  Second, how does the increase in wealth compare to previous presidential family holdings?

Based on publicly available disclosures, reports, filings, and various watchdog organizations, it is estimated that the Trump family has increased its holdings up to $2.4 to $9 billion.  The earnings come from family cryptocurrency investments, Trump name licensing agreements, foreign business ventures, and government contracts.

Crypto

Consider the Trump business connections with crypto currency.  The New Yorker reported that Trump investments in crypto have resulted in $3.4 billion profit over the years of Trump’s political career.  Forbes estimates that Trump’s personal net worth has increased almost $4.2 billion since 2024.  The Wall Street Journal’s research puts the figure at $4 billion in just crypto earnings.  And the Democratic House Oversight Committee estimates crypto wealth at $4.9 billion.

President Trump reshaped the U.S. crypto landscape more aggressively and comprehensively than any prior administration. He deregulated, promoted, and strategically integrated crypto into federal policy, turning it from a fringe financial technology into a declared national economic and strategic asset.

Within days of taking office in 2025, Trump scrapped Biden‑era enforcement policies that had aggressively targeted crypto firms.  He next issued Executive Order 14178, “Strengthening American Leadership in Digital Financial Technology.”  This order sets the philosophical and regulatory foundation of Trump’s crypto agenda. This was the most pro‑crypto executive order ever issued by a U.S. president. 

His next step, through Executive Order 14233, “Creation of a Strategic Bitcoin Reserve,” established the Strategic Bitcoin Reserve. This order signaled that the U.S. views Bitcoin as a geopolitical resource, not just a speculative asset.

Trump then appointed Paul Atkins, a deregulatory former SEC commissioner, as SEC Chair.  Under Atkins, the SEC dropped high‑profile enforcement cases, softened rules on memecoins (coins/medallions with someone’s likeness), mining, and stablecoins, and shifted toward a “light‑touch” regulatory posture.

This dramatically changed the compliance environment for crypto businesses.  Trump’s actions expanded the crypto industry’s scale, legitimacy, and investment flows.

The crypto journey gained popularity when Trump announced his meme coin just before his inauguration.  AP and Chainanalyis (a blockchain analysis firm) estimated that the coin generated $320 million.  In addition, the President’s support for crypto currency has been a major boost for the young startup firms such as World Liberty Financial, a company founded by the President and his sons.  World Liberty recently announced that it expects to receive a federal banking charter that will allow it to operate more like a bank.  Does this present a conflict of interest?  The President rightly claims that he is no longer involved in the company

Business Ventures/Stock Trading

As reported by CBS, during the first quarter of 2026, federally required disclosures show that over 3,600 transactions valued between $212 and $695 million were made by the President or his representatives.  Of note is a $5 million investment in Nvidia.  Nvidia is an advanced chip exporter to China, whose trading is directly impacted by the federal government.  Other major portfolio investments include Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman.  These firms are highly connected to defense contracts.  Some estimates suggest that the President has generated between $200 and $700 million through stock trades and assets sales.  Trading stocks while having policy making ties to the companies being invested in creates major ethical questions.

Licensing Agreements

Projects such as the “God Bless the USA Bible,” the Trump Mobile phone, Trump sneakers, and the Trump guitar have added to the already financial success of the trademark registered Trump brand.  How much money has the Trump brand added to family wealth since Donald Trump became president?  The Trump brand has added billions to the Trump family’s wealth since Donald Trump first became president, depending on how the estimate is calculated. Estimates come from major outlets including The New Yorker, MSN, Forbes, and Bloomberg.

Foreign Deals

Trump businesses have several significant projects with various countries.  The businesses claim that they are not working directly with foreign governments.  However, in many countries the organizations involved with the Trump initiatives are closely associated with their governments.  For example, in Qatar a Trump golf course and villa is being built by a Qatar government owned business. Other projects in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Vietnam have close ties to their governments.  Don Jr. and Eric Trump have met with leaders in other countries such as Hungary, Somaliland, Israel, the United Kingdom and Hungary.  While there is no stated quid pro quo, there are certainly perceptions of undo influence coming from the fact that their father is president.

Historical Comparison to Other Presidential Families

The Trump family’s financial gains during Donald Trump’s presidency are unprecedented in scale, speed, and direct connection to the presidency when compared with any other U.S. presidential families. No other first family has seen anything close to the same magnitude of enrichment while a president was in office.

In 2025 alone, Trump reportedly gained a total of $1.4 billion to $3.4 billion, depending on the estimate.  One analysis found that Trump’s single‑year gain nearly matched or exceeded the combined inflation‑adjusted net worth of all 44 previous presidents while in office (about $2.7 billion).

Some presidents were wealthy, but their fortunes were static or declining during office or not tied to presidential power.  For example, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson were wealthy.  Their holdings, adjusted for inflation, were in the hundred million dollars plus range.  But their wealth did not grow during their presidencies.  Other wealthy presidents like Jimmy Carter put his peanut farm into an independent management group which did not benefit from his presidency.  George W Bush sold his interest in the Texas Rangers.  Both Roosevelt presidents were wealthy through inheritance.  They did not increase their wealth through their presidencies.  Presidents like Bill Clinton and Barack Obama did earn substantial income after leaving office through book deals and speaking engagements, but not during their presidencies. 

In all these cases, wealth growth was modest, occurred after leaving office, and was not tied to foreign investments or business expansion enabled by presidential authority.  No other presidential family has seen this level of coordinated, multi‑member enrichment.  The Trump family’s financial prosperity is historically unprecedented.

Conclusion

The Trump family has benefited beyond any financial benefits of any other sitting presidents.  Through the family-owned foreign real estate deals, crypto currency, branded merchandise, stock market trades, and government contracts, the Trump businesses have prospered like no other presidential family in our 250-year history.

Celebrating Our 250th Anniversary with a Revolt

We are celebrating America’s 250th anniversary this year.  It is a great time to remember the vision of our founding fathers by revisiting the Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation, our Constitution, and subsequent amendments.  It was a time when a King was making decisions for our ancestors without representation. At the time, England was operating under the Magna Carta, as a monarchy with a people’s parliament.  Though initially a feudal agreement, the Magna Carta’s core ideas were— due process, the rule of law, and the right to a fair trial. The rights guaranteed to England’s people were more limited in the colonies.  King George was more focused on the economic value of the colonies than concern for their rights.  Representation was limited, taxes were significant, and trade was highly regulated.

Now let us compare our current government to that of 1776.  Consider reading the Declaration of Independence and note our ancestors’ grievances—dissolution of legislative bodies, obstruction of justice, imposition of a standing army, transportation to England for trial, interference with trade, forbidding governors from passing laws.   Do they sound familiar?   President Trump has eliminated or hampered government bodies, ignored many judicial orders, created an army through the ICE initiative, deported immigrants without due process, established tariffs on trade, and interfered in state government.  It is also instructive to read the Articles of Confederation.  This plan was developed by the founding fathers in attempt to gain rights that those in England already had, through a union of thirteen independent states.  The Articles of Confederation were soon found to be lacking in providing for a unified central government.  Therefore, a constitutional convention was convened and a constitution was created.  However, the Constitution, as originally drafted, did not satisfy those who wanted to ensure the people’s rights.  So, they developed ten amendments to guarantee those rights.

Today, much of the work forged by our ancestors has been challenged by Donald Trump.  His actions are diminishing the rights guaranteed in those historic documents.  President Trump has expanded executive power far beyond the limits defined by our founding fathers.  Personal loyalty to Donald Trump is more important than adhering to our constitutional and legal norms. This is no different than King George!  Donald Trump’s actions are designed to support his economic and social agendas, not what “We the People” want (Polling averages indicate that approximately 2/3 of Americans do not support Trump’s initiatives).  I have previously written about Trump’s campaign promises– Make America Great.  His statements were like many campaigns promises over the past decades.  They were nothing but hollow promises to gain political support.  The political campaign worked and MAGA became a reality built on those hollow statements.

Americans today are no different than those in 1776.  We are being denied the rights that our ancestors fought and died for.  As we celebrate our independence from King George’s reign, Americans need to recommit to the promise of the American Revolution.  We need to hold our elected representatives responsible to the visions of our founding fathers and the documents that they wrote.  Midterm elections are upon us.  Use your vote to bring about a change in Congress!  America needs a Congress that supports the America that was dreamed of in 1776, not a modern-day King George.

Gerrymandering, a Tool of Political Organizations:

What Can Be Done to Eliminate It

What is Gerrymandering?

In simple terms gerrymandering is the process of drawing political boundaries that give a particular party an advantage over the opposing party.  Gerrymandering is NOT something that our founding fathers foresaw.  They envisioned a representative government that is proportional to the various views of its people.  For example, if 60% of the population is from the Elephant Party and 40% are from the Donkey Party, then elected representatives should be in the same proportion.

The practice is named after Governor Elbridge Gerry, Massachusetts.  In 1812 the governor, concerned over the growing strength of the Federalist Party, managed to pass a law that allowed for redistricting.  The sole purpose of this legislation was to create voting districts that gave advantage to the Governor’s Democratic-Republicans.  One of the districts was so distorted that Boston Gazette journalist Elkanah Tisdale labeled the salamander shaped district “The Gerry-mander.”  This term has continued through to the present day.

Whatever their labels, both parties continued to use the practice to their advantage.  The views of the people were eventually subjugated to the welfare of the party.  Partisan politics has become more important than representing the people who are supposed to be represented.

In 1965, to make voting districts more representative of voter demographics, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that districts should reflect substantial equality of population.  This measure was designed to overcome districts that might have been racially biased.   However, many jurisdictions continued to create politically advantageous districts.  While the Supreme Court has heard a number of cases regarding partisan gerrymandering, it has not established a clear standard.  In 2018 the Court looked at cases in Texas, Wisconsin, North Carolina and Maryland.  According to Steve Vladeck, University of Texas Law School professor, “The common thread in the court’s gerrymandering decisions this term (2018) has been to generally make it harder for plaintiffs to bring these claims, and to generally allow states more flexibility and deference in drawing congressional and state district lines.”  The issue that clouds what is blatantly political is the Constitutional issue of “one person, one vote.”  In the North Carolina case, Gill v. Whitford, where on a 9-0 vote, the Court determined that the plaintiffs failed to prove that “concrete and particularized” injury [racial bias] denied anyone the right to vote. (de Vogue, Ariane and Watkins, Eli, CNN, June 25, 2018).

A Simple Example

Let us consider a simple example of how gerrymandering works.  Let us suppose that a state has a large minority population located in the northwest part of the state.  The rest of the state is mixed race but heavily dominated by a white majority.  The interests in the minority population lean toward a donkey party.  In general, the rest of the state leans toward an elephant party.  The districting as reflected by the 1975 U.S. Supreme Court ruling is fair.  However, in a recent move to consolidate elephant power in the state, the majority elephant party decides to change the boundaries in the northwest portion of the state.  They move the lines so that a portion of the minority population is moved into a district that is dominated by the elephant party.  They, likewise, move a large portion of an elephant dominated district into the remaining donkey dominated minority district.  In both cases, the old minority district’s donkey vote is diluted.  The elephant party now controls the entire state.  The process is exactly what has recently happened in Texas, Louisiana, and California.   In many areas, the gerrymandered districts are extremely convoluted, appearing as thin wavy lines or distorted figures.

What should be done?

Is there a better way of defining voting districts other than Gerrymandering?  There are several far better ways to design voting districts than the political gerrymander‑friendly system we use now. The most effective alternatives replace single‑member, winner‑take‑all districts with systems that either dilute the power of line‑drawing or eliminate district lines entirely.

Gerrymandering thrives because each district elects one representative.  Winning requires only a plurality, not proportional support.  Line‑drawing manufactures safe seats even in competitive states by drawing districts that minimize one parties voting numbers in favor of the other party.

Given the Supreme Court’s 1965 decision, jurisdictions need to be held accountable for their districting.  This simple step would ensure that the vision of our founding fathers is restored.  Today’s technology allows for computer programs that can create districts representative of population diversity. I fact, some state legislatures have tried other methods such as the following:

  • Advisory commissions – composed of non-legislators, appointed by legislators.  This is an advisory body.  The legislators retain redistricting powers.
  • Backup commissions—composed of non-legislators, appointed by legislators.  This group provides input when an impasse on redistricting is apparent.
  • Politician commissions—composed of non-elected, but political officials.
  • Independent commissions– composed of non-legislators and non-public officials, generally prohibited from running for public office for a specified period after the completion of their term on the commission.  This type of commission is viewed as being the most independent of political considerations.

The use of these non‑partisan or bipartisan bodies helps in that they remove direct self‑interest, increase transparency, and produce more compact and competitive districts.

However, any reform that keeps single‑member districts can reduce gerrymandering, but it can’t eliminate the incentive.  This approach is still constrained by the single‑member district model.  Commissions can be captured or influenced.  And “Fairness” criteria can conflict (compactness vs. minority representation).  States like California, Arizona, Michigan, and Colorado have adopted this approach.  But as is evident from the recent California redistricting vote, it too can be manipulated. 

Algorithmic or “Computational” Redistricting

Algorithmic Redistricting is an open‑source algorithm generated map based on neutral criteria (population equality, compactness, contiguity).  It is transparent and reproducible, removes human bias, and allows courts to compare enacted maps to a neutral baseline.

However, as with all algorithms, the program simplyreflects the criteria chosen — and choosing criteria is political.  In the end, there are still single‑member districts.

Multi‑Member Districts + Proportional Representation

The U.S. used multi‑member districts in various forms until the 1967 Uniform Congressional District Act (UCDA) mandated single‑member districts.

States are divided into larger districts electing 3–5 representatives each.  Seats are allocated proportionally.  Voters rank the candidates.  The top vote talliers are elected.   Gerrymandering becomes mathematically ineffective.  Minority viewpoints get representation.  It reduces polarization by rewarding coalition‑building.  The system could easily be introduced, since Congress could repeal the 1967 Uniform Congressional District Act without a constitutional amendment.

This may be the most powerful anti‑gerrymandering reform.

Ranked‑Choice Voting (RCV)

Voters rank candidates; votes transfer until someone reaches a majority.  This approach reduces the incentive to draw “safe” districts and encourages broader appeal.  The system works especially well when paired with the multi‑member districts just discussed above.  On its own, RCV doesn’t eliminate gerrymandering — but it softens its effects.

At‑Large or Statewide Proportional Representation

This systemeliminates districts entirely. The entire state votes as one district, and seats are allocated proportionally.  Gerrymandering becomes impossible.  Representation mirrors statewide vote share.  This system might require federal statutory change due to the 1967 UCDA, in that it could weaken local geographic representation.

Hybrid Systems (Used in Germany, New Zealand, Japan)

  • Mixed‑Member Proportional:  Voters cast two ballots: one for a district representative, one for a party.
  • Party seats are adjusted to ensure proportionality.

This system preserves local representation, ensures proportional outcomes, and makes gerrymandering largely irrelevant.

Which System Is Most Effective?

Multi‑member districts with proportional representation are the strongest reform.  This is the model recommended by political scientists across the ideological spectrum and endorsed by the 2022 American Academy of Arts & Sciences report on democratic reform.  Independent commissions are the most politically feasible.  Multi‑member districts + PR are the most transformative and legally possible via congressional statute.  Algorithmic redistricting is a strong intermediate step.

Conclusions

Gerrymandered districting was never about representing people; it was designed to give a political party control of the system.  Many of our founding fathers warned against the formation of political parties.  Loyalty to a party platform or leader ignores the fact that our system mandates that our elected officials represent their constituents, not their party.  While common ideas may be used to form coalitions, the blind loyalty to a political party is the antithesis of what this country stands for.   Multi-member districts with proportional representation, as recommended by political scientists, is a relatively easy fix, if only our elected representatives had the courage to enact appropriate legislation!

A Brief History of Iran: A Country that Should be Blown Back to the Stone Ages?

Iran/Persia is one of the world’s oldest continuous civilizations, defined by powerful empires, religious transformation, and repeated cycles of conquest and renewal. The known history begins with the Elamite Civilization (c. 3200 BCE).   This is one of the world’s earliest states with its own writing system and monumental architecture.  In 2000 to 1000 BC, Iranian tribes arrived from Central Asia, bringing early forms of the Persian language and the religious ideas that would shape Zoroastrianism, a monotheistic ethical religion that became central to Persian identity.

In 550–330 BC, Cyrus the Greatunited the Persian tribes and founded the Achaemenid Empire, the world’s first “superpower,” that stretched from the Balkans to the Indus Valley.   Cyrus is remembered for his policies of cultural and religious tolerance. Cyrus’s successor, Darius I, expanded and organized the empire, creating a standardized currency, roads, and administrative systems.

In 330 BC, the empire was conquered by Alexander the Great, who ushered in a period of Greek rule. Following the death of Alexander, other empires were established in the area.  In 247 BC, a decentralized, cavalry‑based power developed that repeatedly clashed with Rome.  By 224 BC, there was a revival of Persian culture, Zoroastrian religion, and centralized state power. They become a major rival to Rome/Byzantium.

In 627 AD, the empire weakened and collapsed under early Islamic conquests. Persia became part of the rapidly expanding Islamic world, but retained its language and cultural identity.    A succession of dynasties shaped the region, blending Persian administration with Islamic governance.  In 1501, Shi’ism was established as the state religion, a defining feature of Iranian identity to this day.

In the years 1789–1925, the Qajar Dynasty became entangled with European imperial pressure, with territorial losses to European interests and European forced internal reform.  To survive, the ruling Pahlavi family, Reza Shah and later Mohammad Reza Shah, pursued rapid modernization, secularization, and centralization. 

American involvement in Iran began not with geopolitics but with missionaries, educators, and physicians.  In the 1800s, American missionaries established schools, hospitals, and Iran’s first modern medical college in Urmia. These institutions earned widespread respect among Iranians. The U.S. was viewed as a non‑imperial power, unlike Britain and Russia, who dominated Iran economically and militarily. Americans were even appointed as financial advisors to the Shah.  This era is often remembered as the high point of U.S.–Iran goodwill.

Everything changed in August 1953, when the U.S. and Britain orchestrated an overthrow of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh after he nationalized Iran’s oil industry.  The CIA-led coup restored the Shah’s authority and installed a more Western‑aligned government.  For many Iranians, this became a foundational grievance. The U.S. was now seen as an imperial actor interfering in Iran’s sovereignty.

After the coup, the U.S. became the Shah’s primary supporter and Iran became one of America’s closest Cold War allies. The Shah’s regime, backed by U.S. military and intelligence aid, grew increasingly authoritarian.  Many Iranians associated the U.S. with the Shah’s repression, widening the legitimacy gap that would fuel revolution.

The Shah was overthrown in 1979, and the Islamic Republic emerged.   Iranian students seized the U.S. Embassy, holding 52 Americans hostage for 444 days. The U.S. severed diplomatic relations in 1980, and they have never been fully restored.  The revolution reframed the U.S. as Iran’s primary external adversary, the “Great Satan!” Beginning in 1984, the U.S. labeled Iran a state sponsor of terrorism. This crisis cemented the mutual distrust that defines the relationship to this day.

The decades after the revolution saw cycles of hostility and missed opportunities.  There were naval clashes during the Iran–Iraq War (including the U.S. shooting down Iran Air Flight 655 in 1988).  There was Iran’s cooperation with the Taliban in 2001, followed by the “Axis of Evil” designation in 2002. And as we know today, there are the long‑running disputes over Iran’s nuclear program.

The 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), under President Obama, briefly thawed relations, limiting Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief.  The U.S. withdrawal from the deal in 2018, under President Trump, reignited tensions.  By 2025, U.S.–Iran relations had deteriorated further, culminating in open warfare and in 2026, Iranian restrictions on the Strait of Hormuz.

Iranian leaders continue to frame the U.S., the “Great Satan,” as an oppressive global power, seeking dominance and control of Middle Eastern resources.  The U.S. policymakers cite Iran’s support for militant groups (Hama and Hezbollah) and regional destabilization. Both sides use the other as a political foil, reinforcing entrenched narratives.  Are we now dealing with another flawed Iraq “Weapons of Mass Destruction” mistake?

Trump Claims that Democrats are the Enemy!

There is NO factual basis for saying that Democrats—or for that matter, any mainstream American political group—are “America’s enemy.” Trump’s claim is political rhetoric, not an evidence‑based assessment of national security threats. It reflects a pattern in which Donald Trump labels political opponents as internal enemies.

Democrats are a constitutionally recognized political party representing tens of millions of Americans. They participate in elections, hold office, and operate within the same constitutional framework as Republicans.  Disagreement over policy is normal in a democracy. It does not make one side an “enemy.” 

Trump has increasingly described political opponents as “the enemy from within,” even calling them more dangerous than foreign adversaries.   This is a rhetorical strategy, not a factual assessment. It’s meant to mobilize supporters and delegitimize critics.

This kind of language serves several political functions.  It creates an “us vs. them” narrative, and it frames politics as a battle between patriots and traitors rather than a difference of ideas.  By calling investigators, journalists, or opponents “enemies,” Trump casts any scrutiny of his actions as sabotage.  His allegations heighten polarization, encouraging supporters to see compromise as betrayal.  This is not unique to Trump, but he uses the tactic much more aggressively and more frequently than most modern presidents.

Historically, labeling fellow Americans as “enemies” is a warning sign. Democracies weaken when political opponents are treated as existential threats rather than competitors within the same system. When a political leader labels a domestic opponent as an “enemy,” it’s rarely about literal national security. It’s about reframing politics as existential conflict rather than policy disagreement.  Trump is mobilizing supporters by creating a sense of threat—stolen elections, criminal immigrants, nuclear threats, WOKE, and DEI.  According to Trump, critics are bad actors, particularly the “fake” media.  He implies that his actions are normal and those opposed are anti-American.  Political scientists call this antagonistic populism—a style that divides the nation into “the people” and “the enemies of the people.”

This tactic isn’t new in American history.   For example, McCarthyism labeled political opponents (Socialists/Communists) as internal threats.  Nixon framed critics as part of a “silent war” against him. Trump’s version is more direct and more personal. The “enemy” is not an ideology or a faction—it’s the opposing party itself.  And to him, Democrats do not represent the core values of Americans.  Make America Great Again!

One thing that stands out in Trump’s post‑2025 communication style is how his political rhetoric has become part of his governing posture. In his first term, the boundary between campaign language and governing language was porous; now, it’s almost nonexistent. That’s why statements like “Democrats are the enemy” aren’t just rhetorical flourishes—they’re signals about how he intends to wield power.  When he labels Democrats as enemies, it’s often paired with threats of executive action, or accusations of sabotage and claims that the opposition is illegitimate.  That pairing is what turns rhetoric into a governing tool. It’s not just messaging—it’s groundwork for policy justification.

When a president frames one party as an “enemy,” institutions that try to act independently get pulled into the conflict. They’re either “with him,” or “with the enemy.”  That binary framing is powerful because it pressures institutions to choose sides.  Consider the Supreme Court immunity debates or the almost blind loyalty of Congressional Republicans.

The more he escalates the language, the more his supporters expect confrontation. And the more they expect confrontation, the more he escalates. This loop is part of why his rhetoric has grown sharper since returning to office.

When setbacks occur—legal, bureaucratic, or geopolitical—he can immediately attribute them to “the enemy,” which protects his image of dominance, reframes failures as sabotage, and keeps his narrative intact.  For example, Trump tried to bully a New York Times reporter.   Donald Trump attacked NYT chief Washington correspondent David Sanger when he reported that Trump was backing away from his own goals in Iran, using Trump’s own words to prove it.  Trump lashed out, “NYT’s lightweight analyst, David Sanger, says that I haven’t met my own goals. Yes, I have, and weeks ahead of schedule!”  The Times could have let it slide. But they saw the pattern. It builds, and builds… until journalists lose all credibility. And they decided to break it.

Charlie Stadtlander, ED of Communications responded.  “David Sanger brings more than 40 years of experience as a foreign and Washington correspondent for The Times — and a reputation for non-partisanship — to his work. His piece is a fair and thorough analysis of what the US military and American diplomats have and have not accomplished so far, and helps the country understand the state of the war and the president’s choices going forward. It’s exactly the type of analysis an independent journalist is supposed to be doing.”

Trump had an opportunity to respond. He didn’t.  THIS is how you do it. Bullies only win when people give in. The New York Times did not give in! American need to support every news organization that stands up to Trump’s attacks on journalists.  Demand the truth.

Trump’s Presidency and Behavior:

As Compared to Jackson, Nixon, and Biden

Andrew Jackson

Andrew Jackson was one of those presidents who didn’t just tweak the traditions he inherited—he bulldozed several of them and replaced them with a new model of executive power. If Washington, Jefferson, and Madison built the early presidency, Jackson re‑engineered it into something far more assertive and personal. There are some similarities between Jackson and Trump.  However, Jackson did not use the presidency for his own benefit.

Before Jackson, presidents generally saw themselves as stewards of the constitutional system, not as tribunes of the people.  Jackson claimed he alone represented the entire nation, not Congress or the courts.  Jackson used popular support as a political weapon, something earlier presidents avoided. And he treated the presidency as an independent power base rather than a modest executive office.  This shift laid the groundwork for the modern, personality‑driven presidency.

Jackson asserted that the president’s interpretation of the Constitution was equal to Congress’s and the Court’s.  This was a major break from the Founders’ vision of a restrained executive.

He introduced the “spoils system” on a national scale.  Before Jackson, presidents generally kept existing civil servants unless there was a clear reason to remove them.  Jackson replaced large numbers of federal officeholders with political loyalists.  He treated government jobs as rewards for party service.  This helped create the modern party machine.

Jackson openly defied the Supreme Court.  Earlier presidents sometimes disagreed with the Court, but they did not openly undermine its authority.  He famously refused to enforce Worcester v. Georgia, which protected Cherokee sovereignty.  He asserted that each branch could interpret the Constitution independently.  Using this argument, he used executive power to pursue Indian removal despite legal and moral objections.  This was a dramatic break from the tradition of respecting judicial authority.

Jackson broke with tradition by expanding presidential power, using the veto as a political tool, rewarding loyalists with government jobs, challenging the Supreme Court, treating the presidency as a direct democratic mandate, and building a mass political party around himself.

Despite Jackson’s abuse of his presidential power, he is remembered as a great president.  While his personality was based on personal confidence, he did not use the office for his personal betterment.  While in hindsight his policies may be questionable, his goals were viewed by him and his followers as best for the nation.

Top of Form

Richard Nixon Bottom of Form

Richard Nixon and Donald Trump share controversial presidencies.  Both are marked with scandal, impeachment, and divisive leadership.  The similarities end there.  Nixon was secretive and manipulative, using operatives.  Trump is brash, outspoken, and confrontational.  He uses social media to connect directly with his base and his critics.  Trump likes to be in the news, whereas Nixon operated behind the scenes. 

Nixon had to deal with the Watergate scandal where a criminal conspiracy, illegal surveillance, and obstruction of justice eventually came to light.  This scandal ultimately led to impeachment proceedings and his 1974 resignation.  Trump has been the subject of two impeachment proceedings and ongoing criminal indictments related to the January 6 riots in Washington, D.C.  He is also a convicted felon regarding his business practices, and the loser in a sexual assault civil case.  Trump’s legal challenges are broader than Nixon’s.  Nixon’s problems were contained within his manipulation of government offices to cover up the president’s involvement in the Watergate burglary.

Nixon was able to achieve détente with the Soviet Union, opened relation with China and managed domestic unrest without military intervention.  Trump has focused on “America First” using trade tariffs to gain deals with other nations.  He has withdrawn from international agreements, alienating many traditional allies.  Nixon’s approach to foreign affairs was strategic and secretive.  Trump’s approach is direct and transactional.

Both Nixon and Trump experienced historically low approval ratings.  Just before his resignation, Nixon’s approval rating fell to 36%.  Trump’s approval ratings have recently dropped to under 40%. 

While Nixon and Trump share scandals, impeachment proceedings, and polarization, they are very different in style, context, and legal resolution.  Although Nixon resigned in disgrace, his presidency was marked by many foreign policy achievements.  While Trump claims to have resolved numerous wars, and views himself as the “peace president” the state of America’s involvement in national conflicts makes his claims questionable.  Like Jackson, Nixon may have been a flawed person, but his interests as president served America.

Joe Biden

Since the Republican leadership has questioned the ethics of the Biden administration, a comparison between the two presents stark differences.  Did Joe Biden use his political clout for family benefit?  This claim has been investigated several times and will be examined later in this article.

Donald Trump and Joe Biden are very different people and ran very different presidencies.  Biden expanded the Affordable Care Act (ACA), increased subsidies, and proposed a public option to improve accessibility to healthcare.  Donald Trump has sought to repeal and then replace the ACA.  He has introduced the American Health Care Act, which reduces federal involvement and increases state control of health policies.  He has proposed direct payment to Americans in lieu of supporting insurance programs.

Trump has pulled back from environmental activism by withdrawing from the Paris Climate Agreement.  He has promoted fossil fuels such as coal, and one of his favorite sayings is, “Drill baby drill.”  He has also decimated the Environmental Protection Agency.  Biden, on the other hand, invested in renewable energy and implemented policies to reduce greenhouse gases.

Donald Trump has reduced the size and influence of the Department of Education.  His policies favor school choice and local controls.  Biden increased federal funding for public schools, expanded access to pre-school programs, and worked for student debt relief.

Donald Trump’s immigration policies have created significant backlash, as protesters focus on ICE enforcement tactics.  Trump’s stricter border enforcement has by all measures been successful in reducing the number of illegal immigrants entering the United States.  Biden tried to bring about progressive immigration reform but was blocked by the Republican controlled legislature. 

There are so many issues where Trump and Biden were opposites on policy and on governance strategies.  Biden emphasized unity, bipartisan cooperation, progressive social reform, multilateral foreign diplomacy, and post COVID economic recovery.  Trump has focused on removing government from regulatory practices, tax cuts, and America First.  Biden’s approach to economic recovery was just beginning as he ended his presidency.  The data supports the contention that the nation was doing better in job creation and GDP under Biden than under Trump.  Trump has done better in promoting wage growth, but the public has shown a lack of confidence in his ability to bring down the cost of living.

The claims that President Biden used his office to enrich his family started prior to 2019.  Investigations into these claims have been ongoing.  The House Oversight Committee has been investigating foreign business activities of Hunter Biden, James Biden and the involvement of Twitter in the Hunter Biden laptop conspiracy theory.  In August 2024, the House Committees released a report alleging impeachable conduct. 

The story presented is that James and Hunter Biden owned Paradigm a major hedge fund.  Hunter accepted a consulting job with Burisma, a Ukrainian energy company.   Joe Biden was Vice President at this time.  At the same time, Hunter also co-founded BHR Partner, based in China.  When Biden became the presidential candidate in 2019 the Trump re-election committee, lead by Rudy Giulini, alleged financial impropriety and influence peddling.  A subsequent investigation by Trump’s attorney general, William Barr, could not substantiate Giulini’s claims. 

Then in late 2020, the New York Post reported that a laptop belonging to Hunter Biden had emails that referred to President Joe Biden.  There was much speculation and conspiracy mongering following the Post report.  To date, nothing was found that would implicate President Biden in Hunter’s business affairs.  To complicate matters, it was alleged by Alex Vindman that President Trump had tried to pressure Ukrainian President Zelenski into announcing that the Ukrainian government was investigating Hunter Biden. The Post story was investigated.  Former Twitter employees testified contradicting the claim. 

In June 2023, James Comer, head of the House Investigation Committee, released the committee findings on the Biden investigations.  The report did NOT find any evidence of wrongdoing or money directed from Hunter Biden to Joe Biden. Furthermore, Comer said he could not name any specific official policy decision by Biden that may have been directly influenced by foreign payments.  However, during this same period, the Justice Department accepted a plea deal where Hunter Biden pled guilty to federal tax offenses.  Many Republicans viewed the reduced plea as a “sweetheart” deal, claiming presidential interference with the Garland Department of Justice.  The final report of the committee found that the Justice Department had followed procedure.

Critics later focused on Devon Archer, Hunter Biden’s partner and fellow Burisma board member, to show that Joe Biden was involved with Hunter’s Burisma business interests.  During testimony, Archer acknowledged that Hunter had talked with his father over the phone a dozen times while in meetings with business associates.  However, Archer said that Joe Biden “never once spoke about any business dealings.”  He characterized the calls as casual niceties. 

With all of the allegations, but no proof, the committee nevertheless held an impeachment hearing in September 2023.  The committee claimed to have ‘uncovered a mountain of evidence,” but could not present any as the inquiry continued. In November, Speaker Mike Johnson indicated that there was insufficient evidence to initiate formal impeachment proceedings.  Despite Johnson’s comments, in December, House Republicans unanimously approved a resolution to initiate formal impeachment proceedings.  All Democrats voted against the resolution.  On December 12, the key witness, Alexander Smirnov, admitted that he had fabricated the Burisma story about Joe and Hunter Biden (New York Times, Associated Press, CBS News).

Claims of financial gain by the President regarding Hunter Biden’s Chinese business contacts have also been investigated and found unsubstantiated.   There appears to be no evidence of wrongdoing by President Biden.  Whether investigations into President Trump’s alleged illegal activities surrounding the January 6 riots or his retaining top secret documents would have resulted in convictions is unknown.  As recently as this week Judge Alien Cannon (a Trump appointee, whose decisions have been overturned by the Florida federal appeals court) has sealed the Jack Smith top secret documents investigation records.


How has the Trump Trust and Family Benefited from the Presidency?

There have been multiple investigations and reports that estimate the Trump family earned billions of dollars during Trump’s first presidency and during the first year of his second presidency.  That is far beyond what previous presidents or their families have ever accrued while in office.  The New Yorker analysis reported that the family made approximately $3.4 billion across Trump’s tenure. This includes billions of dollars from cryptocurrency ventures, $339.6 million from financial ventures, $270.8 million from hospitality, $116 million from media, and $277.7 million from other sources such as private jet rentals, legal fees, and merchandise.   These figures reflect a dramatic expansion of the Trump brand’s monetization during his time in office.

Reports from the Associated Press describe Trump’s second term as marked by unprecedented use of presidential power to generate profits for family enterprises.  For example, cryptocurrency ventures tied to Trump or his family pulled in hundreds of millions.  Foreign governments, billionaires, and crypto tycoons with interests being considered by the U.S. government, funneled money into Trump‑linked businesses. Trump’s children pursued global development deals, including projects in the Middle East and Albania. And Melania Trump secured a $40 million documentary deal with Amazon.  Experts quoted in the reporting describe this as a level of self‑enrichment “totally not normal” for a U.S. president.

A detailed breakdown from The Hill shows how Trump’s children (even grandchildren) capitalized on the presidency.  Kia Trump (Don Jr’s daughter) launched a high‑priced fashion line using the Trump brand.  Barron Trump earned $150 million through the family’s crypto venture, World Liberty Financial, and is positioned for future corporate influence (e.g., a potential TikTok board seat).  Eric Trump became a major crypto figure, co‑founding World Liberty Financial and helping generate over $1 billion in crypto‑related revenue for the family.  Forbes estimated Trump’s personal net worth of over $7.1 billion, grew from $2.3 billion (2024).  This reflects a presidency intertwined with private business in ways not seen in modern U.S. history.

Although Trump placed his assets into a trust during his first term, the trust was revocable (meaning Trump could withdraw funds at any time).  The trust is managed by his sons, who were simultaneously expanding Trump organization ventures.  The trust is nota blind trust, whichallows Trump to remain aware of and benefit from business activities.  The trust structure did not prevent Trump or his family from profiting from presidential influence.

The scale and openness of the Trump family’s financial gains during the presidency represent an historic departure from traditional presidential ethics norms.  The practice blurs the lines between public office and private enrichment.  The practices establish a model of governance where policy, branding, and business interests are deeply intertwined.  Whether one views this as savvy entrepreneurship or a profound conflict of interest depends on political perspective, but the financial outcomes are well‑documented.

The most dramatic shift in Trump‑family enrichment came from the crypto system, which expanded rapidly during Trump’s second term.  Trump publicly championed crypto, earning the nickname “Crypto President.”  Trump urged Congress to pass the GENIUS Act, which eases U.S. restrictions on stablecoin (crypto) operations.  After advocating for the bill, the Trump family’s crypto company began issuing its own stablecoin, becoming one of the largest issuers globally.  This created a direct conflict: presidential advocacy, then regulatory change, followed by private profit.  

Stablecoins are extremely profitable because issuers invest in customer deposits and keep the yield. This meant the Trump family captured the interest generated on billions in deposits.  Trump’s second term saw the resumption of foreign licensing deals, including in geopolitically sensitive regions such as Qatar and Vietnam. These deals involved sovereign wealth funds and state-linked developers, raising renewed emoluments concerns.

Trump properties — hotels, golf clubs, resorts — became centers of political activity, generating revenue from political committees, lobbyists, foreign delegations, administration officials, and Republican donors.  The presidency turned Trump hotels into pay-to-be-seen venues, where spending money at a Trump property became a way to signal loyalty or seek influence. This was a continuation of first-term patterns but on a larger scale.

The Trump brand became a commercial engine, with revenue from merchandise, media ventures, paid appearances, licensing deals, private jet rentals, and digital products (NFTs, tokens, etc.).  The presidency amplified the Trump brand’s reach, enabling the family to monetize political identity at unprecedented scale. Various media sources including the New Yorker, CNN, and Public Citizen have described this as the “merchandise machine” in varying printed words.

The most striking theme is the collapse of boundaries between public offices and private business.  The presidency itself became a marketing tool with executive actions, public statements, legislative advocacy, and regulatory positions.  All serve to increase the value of Trump-owned assets, especially in crypto and media. This is described as the “conspicuous integration of federal power, personal branding, and private profit.”

Across all sources, the pattern is consistent.  Presidential power amplified the Trump brand, and the Trump brand generated unprecedented private profit.  The mechanisms were not subtle: they were structural, intentional, and integrated into governance itself.  In summary, the Trump presidency has gone far beyond institution norms and ethical guardrails. 

America: How Does a Diverse Population Remain United?

What does it mean to say, “I’m an American”?  The makeup of America today is very different compared to 50 years ago.  The total population is over 340 million. Over 16 million are veterans.  We are far removed from the patriots who fought for independence from England.  However, many of the issues that were faced in 1776 remain with us in 2026.  Many of the conflicts between Americans trying to shape a new nation in 1776 remain with us today.

The population in 2026 is diverse and growing slowly in numbers.  Over 83% of Americans live in an urban setting, the inverse of the 1776 United States population.  Many live in cities in coastal states.  There are just under 150 million housing units.  The median home cost is $332,000, with median monthly rent at $1,413.  The median household income is $80,700.  Approximately 10% of Americans live in poverty.

While we still have a relatively young population with a median age of 38.7 years, we are aging.  Only 5.5% of us are under 5 years of age.   Our life expectancy is 78 years with women still outliving men.

While we are still a society dominated by Caucasians at 74.8%, the percentage of Blacks is 13.7% and slowing increasing, as is the percentage of Hispanics at 20%.  Interestingly, just over 14% of the population is foreign born.  In 1776, 60% of Americans were of English descent, which means 40% of the population came from other countries.  Even more interesting is the fact that 21% of the population was black but only 2.5% were slaves.  (We are not even considering Native Americans in this picture!)

Over the past 250 years, racism has been a series of evolving systems that keep reappearing in new forms. The targets, laws, and language change, but the core pattern is the same.  There was a racial hierarchy built to give white people an advantage, and place Black people, Native people, and other communities of color in lesser roles.  There were resistance and progress by reformers at every stage.  Over 250 years, racism in the U.S. is the story of a racial hierarchy built into law, economy, and culture, repeatedly challenged by those it harms. Each time one version is defeated (e.g. slavery, Jim Crow), another version (e.g. segregation, mass incarceration, and structural inequality) emerges alongside ongoing resistance. 

From the late 20th century to today (1970s–2020s) racism shifted into systems rather than explicit laws. The best examples include redlining’s legacy in housing and wealth, school funding gaps, hiring discrimination, and the criminal legal system (e.g., war on drugs, mass incarceration, and policing practices). At the same time, there has been real progress.  Growing political representation, cultural visibility, legal protections, and organized movements (e.g., Black Power and Black Lives Matter) continue to force the country to confront its shameful history and present situation.

The entire history of the U.S. has been a running debate over who gets to make the decisions on slavery, civil rights, the economy, and social policy– states or the federal government. The balance keeps shifting, usually toward federal power when national crises or rights conflicts peak, and back toward states when there are backlashes or decentralizing trends.

Over 250 years, the conflict has not been just abstract theory. It is about whose rules govern people’s lives.  States’ rights arguments have often been used to defend local control over slavery, segregation, and restrictive social policies, but also to experiment with policy innovation and resistance to overbroad national mandates.  Federal supremacy has often been the tool for enforcing civil rights, regulating a national economy, and maintaining a unified legal order, but also for centralizing power and sometimes overriding local democratic choices.

Today, the conflict over race, religion, sex practices/gender, federal executive power, and states’ rights continues.  There is no single picture of a typical American.  There are liberals, conservatives, libertarians, socialists, communists, Nazis, MAGAs, and QANONs.  There are those who are ultra-rich, rich, middle income, lower income, and those who have virtually no income.  There are Muslims, Catholics, Baptists, mainstream Protestants, agnostics, deists, and atheists.  There are whites, blacks, Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans.  The variety in American values is vast and not easily described.   The current political scene, as it always has been, is a result of this diversity.  President Washington, in his farewell address, expressed his concern over the development of alliances that might disrupt the young nation’s unity.

If we are so different, what unites Americans?   Consider how the founding fathers reached common ground.  Federalists had to compromise with states’ rights advocates.  Southern plantation owners with slaves had to find common ground with Boston and New York businessmen. Despite their differences, they found common ground and established a republic.  The Constitution is a legal document/agreement among states and individuals with different opinions and goals.  In order to pass the Constitution, ten amendments were required.  These ten amendments were called the Bill of Rights.  The Constitution and Bill of Rights contain the rules that Americans have chosen to live by.  Over time, these rules sometimes needed clarification to keep up with a rapidly changing country. 

The strength of this document has been tested many times since 1776.  The Jacksonian era put many Constitutional issues to the test.  The Civil War nearly ended the “great experiment.”  The Gilded Age saw wealthy robber barons come close to creating an oligarchy.  The Wall Street Putsch of 1933 (Millionaires’ Rebellion) might have succeeded if weren’t for a “whistle blower”.  Today, the Christian nationalist movement has created a new crisis, or perhaps renewed an old one, and people like our president and many in the Republican Party have taken advantage of the sense that somehow America has lost its moral soul and greatness.

Given the turmoil of the past decade, Americans need to put their trust in the Constitution and our Bill of Rights.  We must all insist on a rule of law, not a rule of centralized government that seeks to erode, if not eliminate, the foundation that makes it possible for such a diverse population to live together.  We the People need to take control of our republic and make Congress, the Courts, and the Executive Branch our representatives again.  I urge you to campaign for the candidates that represent your values, then vote.

Save America

One person’s opinion

Updated from an earlier post

There are many Americans across the political spectrum who believe that America has reached a crossroad.  The recent events in Minneapolis have resulted in two deaths.  The Trump administration is blaming Democrats.  The mass of protesting people blame the harsh tactics of the Trump administration in enforcing immigration laws.   Liberals and conservatives cannot agree on policy direction.  Should we focus on humanitarian issues such as right to free speech, freedom of assembly, and other Constitutional rights, or should we focus on making America great by removing immigrants who, some believe, threaten the American way of life.  Should we work on building our economic strength and hope for the trickle-down effect that Reaganomics promised?  Unfortunately, too many Americans fall into this dichotomy, failing to recognize all the options that exists between these two extremes.  The most unfortunate result of the focus on this dichotomy is that the real issues that Americans face are not debated.

In 2025, with the success of the MAGA movement in gaining political control, the promises of greater opportunity, prosperity, and a return to “true” American values appeared to be on the horizon for those who believed in the MAGA movement.  Yet, after only one year in office for President Trump, the prospect of a better America that he promised seems elusive.  Many middle- and lower-class Americans have experienced the cost of food and everyday living  soaring.  The Trump administration appears to be at odds with itself.  The Secretary of Homeland Security and Steven Miller are at odds over the Minneapolis shootings. Top Pentagon officials have resigned over the way that the Secretary of Defense has handled a variety of issues, including the “arrest” in Venezuela. The courts are being attacked for their stand on issues that many Americans see as Constitutional guarantees.  The Senate, which was established to represent the states, seems to turn a blind eye to the increasing interference of the federal government with states’ rights. Minnesota is currently in the firing line.  California and Illinois also had to deal with the attack on states’ rights.  It also appears that the federal government is attempting to impose the administration’s values on all Americans.  Attacks on private schools, using monetary blackmail, is not in America’s interest.  Cutting federal services with a “chainsaw” has not brought about savings.  Rather, various agencies seem to be falling into an ineffective quagmire due to lack of staff.   Even the polls have turned against President Trump’s handling of almost all issues except for border control.  Today’s polling shows a 56% disapproval rating for the President. 

If it were up to me, how would I go about fixing our now very dysfunctional government?  I would advocate for Impeachment of President Trump.  While not likely to happen given the lack of courage by Republicans in our House of Representatives, I believe an organization’s success or failure starts with the person at the top of the chain of command.  In the case of President Trump, I believe he has failed to show good leadership.  His picks for cabinet members showed little thought for professional competence, instead focusing on personal loyalty.  His attack on the economy has been a disaster.  His establishment of DOGE was a total waste of effort, which has caused serious damage to a functional government (which arguably does need serious reform). 

But since Impeachment is unlikely, and other Constitutional remedies are also out of the picture, I would suggest that the Senate start to focus on doing its job.  It was created as the voice of the states, just as the House was created to be the voice of the American people.  The Senate has, in my opinion, lost sight of this responsibility!  Too often state governors are left with the responsibility of maintaining the states’ rights.  Perhaps it is time to undo the 1913 legislation (17th Amendment) that moved the selection of state senators from the hands of the state legislature to a popular vote, in essence creating another tier of legislators who are now concerned about popular votes rather than the welfare of the states they represent.  In the original design, state legislatures picked their senators.

The people’s chamber is also failing.  Members of the House seem to be more focused on their parties rather than on the concerns of their voters.  There was a time when representatives were picked by their neighbors and served the community.  Many gave up lucrative jobs to serve. Today many representatives view the position as a job, not a service to their voters.  As such, they are often focused on getting reelected to a position that guarantees a good pension after five years.  Campaigning has become a full-time business.  I would suggest that representatives serve at least three years.  Salaries should be commensurate with other local business leaders. (The Current salary is $147,000.)  The guarantees of a retirement salary after five years of service should be stripped away.  Perhaps then representatives would serve their constituents, not monied interests and their political party.

While I have criticized our President and Congress, perhaps the greatest failure has been the apathy of most Americans.  Until the ICE occupations, most Americans have not participated in governing the country that was created as a nation of “We the People.”  When only 2/3 of eligible voters bother to vote in presidential elections, there is a problem.  Worse yet, only 20 – 30% of eligible voters turn out for state and local elections.  To aggravate this problem, most Americans are not casting an “informed” ballot.  Of those that vote, many cast party ballots without careful consideration of the candidates.  It takes effort to know what the issues are and where candidates stand.  Complicating the issue is the problem of knowing which information is accurate!  I believe American education needs to instill a sense of government responsibility in our youth.  In addition, we all need to learn how to recognize “fake news” in contrast to what is factual.  We need to understand what is opinion and what is news.

While it would take years before the effects are realized, we might save this democracy if enough Americans hurt by the policies of the current administration get involved. Americans need to take the time to learn about current government policies, the Constitution, and our history.  This great nation deserves more effort than most have given it.  All Americans need to get involved by calling, emailing or writing their senators and representatives.  The power of the vote might get some Republicans to reconsider their support of President Trump.   Americans need to recover the government of “We the People!”